Humanities
for All, or None?
Sharon O'Dair
University of Alabama
The title
of this session--Humanities Futures--calls to mind the speculation that
goes on in Chicago's commodity exchanges. To speculate on the humanities--or
on pork bellies or live cattle--is far riskier than to speculate on corporations
at, say, the New York Stock Exchange. Unlike at the NYSE, the speculation
that goes on at the commodity exchanges affects the lives of individual
producers, just as speculation about the humanities affects--or might
affect--the lives of individual producers of knowledge, humanists.
Not wishing
to belabor the analogy, I'll speak no more of the bellies of hogs. Still,
in making the analogy I have invoked another that is made much more regularly
these days in talk about "humanities futures": that is, the "corporatization
of the university." Just to cite the most recent in my reading, Cary Nelson
writes in the minnesota review (12/98) that "as UPS workers in the summer
of 1997 took up the struggle to gain some control over their segment of
American work, a number of us in higher education realized it could be
a story about us as well" (249). Perhaps, and yet "could be" is not much
of a claim; almost anything "could be" and thinking so is precisely the
mistake Wendy Darling made when Peter Pan appeared at her window. Indeed,
as we try to comprehend the social pressures affecting our institutions
and ourselves, I cannot help but wonder how accurate it is to conceptualize
the issue by invoking this analogy.
To address
this question, it is necessary to describe the most pressing structural
problem for higher education: its expansion to the point of universality.
Almost 30 years ago, Martin Trow published some "Reflections on the Transition
from Mass to Universal Higher Education." Almost 30 years ago, I began
to reflect on that transition, as I sat in a lecture hall at Reed College
and listened to John Pock profess sociology. Revered and beloved, Pock
was also an intimidating presence in the classroom: sporting a crew-cut
was as significant as the Parsonian functionalism he espoused, and he
looked generally as if he could take out an opponent physically as well
as intellectually. "He was intellectually tough and demanded the same
of students," says one ex-student, now a professional demographer, who
knows as well that this "tough-mindedness [has lost] its appeal in the
context of today's changed, if not correct, sensibilities." I was a mere
freshman and was surprised and discomfited when one day Pock concluded
a lecture by mocking our pretensions and aspirations: "after all," he
bellowed, "the Bachelor's Degree you seek is now the functional equivalent
of your parents' high school diploma. It means just about as much."
Not much
later, I recognized the validity of Pock's assertion. And now as a tenured
Professor of English, I recognize and verify it every day through anecdote
or statistics, e.g., percentages of students who require remedial instruction
in basic skills upon matriculation; reports of students who receive degrees
but cannot write an intelligible essay; the fact that both my mother (who
left school at 16 in 1927) and her daughter (who left school at 18 in
1947) write and think better, with more fluency, than do most of the students
in my junior-level courses at a flagship state university.
All of this--and
more--is well-known or should be, and though it is part of my subject
here, I want to approach it by turning Pock's assertion on him or, more
sadly and accurately, on us: if the bachelor's degree is the functional
equivalent of the high school diploma, then what does that make us?
Although
promoted in the name of democracy and equal opportunity, the post-war
expansion of higher education was not implemented in ways that might actually
achieve either of those goals. It has produced the credential inflation
described by Pock in his lecture or by Randall Collins in The Credential
Society (1979) and has resulted in a system of higher education that is
vastly more unfair and unequal than ever before. Furthermore, it threatens
to make us--or a lot of us--into the functional equivalent of high school
teachers.
If we must
invoke a metaphor to describe the state of the humanities or of higher
education generally, then "highschoolification" is as appropriate and
perhaps more appropriate than "corporatization"--although I will admit
it is less sexy and elegant. "Highschoolification" explains many of the
problems we face better than does "corporatization." For example,
1) the pre-packaging
or commodification of knowledge in standardized syllabi, textbooks, and
other teaching tools such as video, cd-roms, and software programs.
2) the inclusion
of courses in pedagogy as part of study for the doctorate.
3) grade
inflation.
4) so-called
"downsizing" or the turn toward employing adjunct professors and part-timers
to staff lower division courses. If lower division courses are effectively
remedial, offering instruction in algebra or the workings of the subordinate
clause, then the instructor need not, and probably should not, be a person
who holds a Ph.D. from Yale or Stanford. Those who teach such material
are in fact highly substitutable, like high school teachers.
5) bored
students who, in Mark Edmundson's words, think a liberal education is
useful as, at best, "lite entertainment." Trow predicted this situation
in his essay, cited above: to the extent that higher education becomes
increasingly mandatory, "colleges begin to resemble elementary and secondary
schools, where it has long been recognized that compulsory attendance
increases problems of student motivation, boredom, and the maintenance
of order."
6) the transformation
of the curriculum into a series of electives in an attempt to counteract
the boredom described above. In my department, reform of the curriculum
in the direction of Edmundson's (or Edward Said's) ahistorical smorgasbord
was initiated not by "corporate administrators" intent on pleasing "customers"
nor by students demanding their rights as "consumers" but by faculty intent
on pleasing themselves--e.g., to demonstrate their hipness or their correctness,
to indulge their own intellectual preferences, or to avoid the hordes
of bored students.
7) increased
calls for unionization. By far, most union members in this country operate
in the public not the private sector. Only 9.7% of workers in the private
sector belong to unions; in the public sector the number is 37.2%, which
includes, of course, the major teachers' unions. Nelson's invocation of
UPS, cited above, is absurd as well as misleading.
Analogies
are imperfect comparisons and always potentially misleading, always potentially
ideologically loaded. I have sketched out a number of reasons why I think
"highschoolification" speculates better about "humanities futures" than
does "corporatization." In concluding my paper, I will speculate about
why Left humanists prefer the latter analogy and why doing so is a serious
mistake for those who wish to insure a future for the humanities and for
humanists.
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