the objective is to have a herding operation that will give the best returns with a minimum investment of labor (Moran, 1982). Daily management tends towards efficiently of allocating labor, and during daylight hours people prefer to keep animals clustered in flocks within larger groups. In Doma, such management groups are 15-20 for yak, and 70-130 for sheep and goats.
expanding monetary economy is felt not only in changes in the local
availability, or price level, of grain but also through changed facilities for
the marketing of livestock. Tibetan pastoralists have a reputation for being
reluctant to sell their animals. Livestock have served as an investment in many
places in the world. In
The market-pricing process makes people more aware of the possibilities inherent in slaughtering livestock earlier in the season. In effect, pastoralists now own the livestock themselves, and in areas near urban areas there clearly has developed an open market in livestock. Beyond the livestock, which is contracted to the state, surplus livestock can be sold in these markets for cash, and this has begun to alter people's attitudes towards breeding for market.
The Household Economy
In the summer 1987, Doma contained 98 household and 502 persons. In Doma, most nomads live in smaller, nuclear family households, of over five members, on average. At the beginning of decollectivisation (1981), all households had the opportunity to "shake off poverty". The nomads were free sell or barter their animals as they saw fit; all the animals of the brigade were divided equally among the nomads regardless of their class, background, or age. Each Doma adult or child received 48 head of livestock. In addition, households were allowed to retain the "private" animals they held during the commune era. This raised the average to 51 animals per person.
In 1987, six years after the division following decollectivisation, economic differentiation has reemerged in Doma. Again, there are now both wealthy and poor nomads. As a result of this process of economic differentiation, the richer 24% of households in 1987 owned 44.5% of the animals. There was an increasing concentration of animals in the hands of the upper 24% of the households and the emergence once again of a lower stratum of households with few animals. Several cases of how rich and poor households managed their household economics can illustrate their very different strategies for survival.
This household is a typical "nuclear" family in Doma. It is made up of a man (39 years old), his wife (36) and their three children (16, 14 and 9). In 1981, they had in all 63 yak, 118 sheep, 67 goats and 2 horses. In 1987, the family had 82 yak, 205 sheep, 5 horses and 41 goats. Since the distribution of the collective property to individuals, there has been an increase in value, or effective size, of the family herd of over one-third. This is not from purchase or re-allocation, but from natural increase, locally estimated at 25% per annum, minus the number sold for slaughter over the period. At 1987 Naquk sale prices these animals would have a value of around 48,000 RMB yuan, that is 9,700 yuan per capita. The value of livestock for this household is more than the average for this nomadic community.
This household is relatively wealthy in Doma. It contains 8 members: husband (53), the first wife (49), the second wife (42, sister of the first wife), the wives' mother, two daughters (22, 20), a son (11), and an adopted son (19). We can find strong support for the relationship between family size and wealth in this case. This husband said: "I want as many children as come…if somebody dies, we should make sure there are more." When he had had two daughters, he wanted a son, so he adopted a child from a relative.
the summer of 1987 this household owned 812 animals (137 yak, 298 sheep, 9
houses and 368 goats) more than 101 animals per person. The market value of
these animals (1987) was about 121,000 RMB yuan
(US$24,200). This household slaughtered 3 yak, and 80 sheep and goats for meat
in 1986. In this year, the household sold 154 kilograms of wool at 3.5 yuan per kilogram, 25 kilograms of cashmere at 14 yuan per kilogram, 15 sheep at 30 yuan
and 2 yak at 465 yuan to the local government. At the
same time, this household sold 30 kilograms of cashmere at 18.5 yuan per kilogram to businessmen from
the summer of 1987, the household hired a man from another nomad community and
a woman from a southern village. In 1986, the family paid 12 sheep, and 370 yuan as wages. The husband said he would like to sell more
beef in Naquk and
householder regards his livestock as mainly an item for trade, not for dairy
products. He said that he was planning to sell wool, cashmere or other
livestock products in border trade with
1986, the household had to purchase barley, wheat, rice, and cooking oil. The
household consumes 90 kilograms of grain per month, which they obtain from the Doma district office and the free market, sometimes paying
with cash and sometimes in butter, beef and wool. He makes cash purchases of
tea (from Sichuang), cigarettes (made in coastal
This household, by contrast, is one of the poorest in Doma. The household contains 4 persons: the father, who has a drinking problem (58), his daughter (32) and her two illegitimate children. In the summer of 1986 this family owned only 2 yak, 20 sheep and 13 goats. In that fall, the district office gave this household four female yak to help them develop their own herd. But, by the winter, they had slaughtered two of these yak for meat and sold one for cash. The household also bartered two sheep and one goat with farmer-traders from the south for 110 kilograms of barley flour. In 1987, this woman spun 25 kilograms of yak hair for her relative and received 2 kilograms of butter, 5 kilograms of beef and 2 sheep as wages. Her son, 14 years old, worked 4 months as a herder for a household simply for better food and one sheep as salary.
This household is not as poor as the household in case three, but has been a loser in the economic transformation. The household has 5 members: a man (29), his brother (unmarried, 21), his mother (48), his wife (23), and a male child (2). In 1984, this household still owned 317 animals. In the winter of 1985, these two brothers took the traditional two-months trading trip with their carrying animals (yak) to barter salt in farm areas. But in the southern villages, they found the market was changing: the price of grain rose, due to the government's new price policy and a bad harvest, while the price of salt fell (salt from Qinghai and Sichuang was cheap). The brothers earned less from the sale of their salt than they had ever made previously. On the way back home, they had to sell their animals for cash. After their return, the brothers sold almost half of their animals, and took a loan of 7,000 yuan. They opened a teahouse in the Amdo county town. The teahouse closed after it operated for four months. There were three reasons: first, they put too much butter and sugar in the tea; second, they always served free tea to their friends and relatives; third, a Chinese from Sichuang opened a restaurant and teahouse next door. In the cold spring of 1987, the household received 250 kilograms of barley as welfare from the local government. Their herd was reduced to 185 in the summer of 1987. The younger brother had to work for three months as a herder for a household in another encampment.
Now, members for the poorer households must work for wages and accept welfare from the government. The rich households on the other hand, as they did before the mid-1960s, hire poor nomads to do many of the difficult jobs. The poor nomads see this change as a part of the traditional way of things, and the rich generally treat their poor fellows quite kindly. The nomads said "This is our Drokba way."
The economic transformation that occurred in the pastoral areas of northern Tibet have come about at least in part because of the same material and ideological forces that have had their impact over all of China since the new, regional development policies have been implemented.
the Tibet Autonomous Region during the 1980's the main achievement was the
development of an infrastructure for communication and transport. The economic
reform also presented the possibility that the introduction of commercial
marketing would promote the development of a vertical structure, with trade
centered in urban centers in either the Tibet Autonomous Region or inner
The post-Mao regional development policy cannot guarantee a harmony of interests among the regions. The policy is one which concentrates on developing the coastal regions rather than the interior. Transmission of development from region to region is not automatic. The implications of this thesis are pointed out most forcefully by John Friedman in his, A General Theory of Polarized Development. He argues that development is a process of innovation which aims "to transform the established structure of society by attracting creative or innovative personalities into the enclaves of accelerated change; by encouraging the formation of new values, attitudes, and behavior traits consistent with the innovation; by fomenting a social environment favorable to innovative activity; and by bringing into existence yet further innovations" (82).
According to Friedman, conditions that are especially favorable to innovation are generally found in large and rapidly growing urban systems. Moreover, successful innovation tends to increase the potential power of innovators. As a result, the centers of innovation tend to penetrate and dominate the periphery through trade, transport networks, new communication systems, and production and market relations. In the meantime, new desires and frustrations will grow in the peripheral areas and give rise to demands for autonomy, or even political conflict with the core.
This general integration of pastoralism into a market economy, together with new development policies, has brought some new, even more serious problems for more equitable and stable long-term development.
Cai, Ruikang "Highway and Airport Construction in
Clarke, G E "
Friedman, John "A General Theory of Polarized Development", in Hansen, Niles ed., Growth Centers in Regional Economic Development, New York: The Free Press, 1972.
Chang Jiangshe, Ang Caidang and Liu Yimin Changtang Drokba (The Nomads on the Northern Plateau),
Goldstein, M C and Beall, C M "The Impact of
A. T . The Making of Modern
R. The Changing Face of
Yu Di. Zhongguo Jingji dili xue (
Business Press 1983.
 One was a monk, the other a lay official.
 Grunfeld, 210.
 At Doma, green foliage first appears in late April or early May on the spring-fed wet meadows and river banks that cover just a small part of the summer grazing area. The bulk of the land is covered by plant communities that depend on monsoonal precipitation and these begin to play a role in livestock forage selection in late May or early June. Foliage is sufficient to wean newborn lambs and kids and begin milking only in mid-June. The growing season ends in September.
region is contiguous to
TAR corresponds closely to political
 Japanese vehicles started to be imported in the late 1970s and appeared on the plateau in the middle 1980s.
 In Doma butter is still made in a very primitive way by some nomads. Milk is poured into a yak skin slung supported by two posts. After a few hours the butter is found floating and buttermilk is separated and used in other ways. In the Northern Plateau, butter can be stored for several months without getting rancid.
 100$ =346.14 yuan in 1986
1 jin =500 grams
 Actually, people might note that this is unofficial, as people are not obliged to sell to the government by law.
 Grain increased from 0.40 per kilogram in 1983 to 1.00-1.20 in 1987. Tea increased from 1.75 to 1.90 yuan per brick in 1986.
 About $ 12,000
 The free market selling price in Naquk in the spring of 1987 was 600 yuan for a yak and 55 to 65 yuan for a sheep.
 Doma is about 500 km from
 They have to buy gasoline on the "black market" or from the government's drivers at 3 to 4 yuan per gallon. The official prices is 0.9 to 1.10 yuan for one gallon.
 In 1987, 4.58 of the Doma population were considered illegitimate.
 1986 was to be the first year in which interest had to be paid.