t at the Kashag and on the morning of his assassination a gsol dpon of the regent came and told him that the Chinese soldiers who held the Lcags po ri had been firing at the Potala and that the Regent requested the loan of Tsha rong's pistol in order to protect himself. Tsha rong thereupon lent the hand gun. Later in the day there appeared a delegation from the military headquarters near Rmu ru rnying pa, led by one officer, Bying pa and some monks from Sera, looking like a routine mission. Upon making their report to the Kashag, however, the speaker mumbled and Tsha rong leaned forward, telling the man to speak up: whereupon a monk from the back of the group jumped forward and seized his topknot. They accused Tsha rong of treason and tying his hands behind him they dragged him bodily down the steps of the Potala and shot him. The other Kalons, Ram pa and Lha thog pa (Glang mdun had since expired) were imprisoned in Zhol. Tsha rong's son and the Bka' drung Zhag pa were also arrested and executed by Sera monks, along with the drung yig chen mo, Phun rab pa. The reason for the murder of the latter was reportedly his cooperation with the pro-Chinese monks of Bstan rgyas gling, but in fact, I rather suspect that Byams pa bstan dar, who had obtained the same post by bribing the Chinese, seized upon the excuse to do away with his rival. Other assembly members were killed: the Bla phyag Mon drong, an intimate friend of Phun rab pa and his brother, the Lha gnyer Lozang dorje, who it was feared, would avenge his brother's death. The effects of the execution were to produce a lull in the fighting spirit of the Tibetans, who were now unsure of the direction of their leaders. It was bitterly said of Zla bzang dgra 'dul's arrival: Sku zhabs spyi mda' phebs byung Dpyid nyin ring po shar byung. 'The honorable commander in chief had arrived the long spring day has dawned.' When the events of this bloody day were reported to the Dalai Lama he was aggrieved, but because of the fighting in Lhasa, he was forced to hold his tongue. The regent appointed Byams pa bstan dar as the Bka' blon bla ma, but the Dalai Lama neither gave his approval nor disapproval to the appointment. He showed his displeasure by appointing as lay bka' blon the unknown figures of Mkhyen brtse'i phun tshogs, the assistant foreign secretary as assistant bka' blon, Sman dod, the governor of Gartok as Kalon, and Shekarlingpa as bka' blon. Furthermore when he returned to Tibet, the Dalai Lama was seemingly unimpressed by the bravery of the fighters against the Chinese and he made only a few presentations by way of reward, but nothing to individual leaders. (Sera gained 'Dam brgya shog brgyad and Ganden got to appoint a governor of Mtsho nag.) After the Dalai Lama's return there were several important changes in the government structure. The Tsho smon gling regent was retired and Bshad grwa was made the Srid-blon. The cabinet consisted of Byams pa bstan dar, who was sent to Khams to fight the remaining Chinese there. Bde skyes gling pa filled the position of the deceased Shekarlingpa. Zla-bzang-dgra 'dul was ennobled by marrying him to the wife of Tsha rong's son and Tsha rong's youngest daughter, thus becoming the new Tsha rong. The office of the Srid-blon had become the dominant force in the government. Bshad grwa instituted the custom of Phur pu rgyas tshogs, which was a general meeting of the Kashag and the Premier. Formerly the Kashag had sent their files of weekly business to the office of the premier or Regent, but now the weekly face-to-face confrontation allowed the premier to have a more direct control over the decisions of the Kashag. Some semblance of a balance of power was restored with the appointment of Tsha rong as Kalon, but he concerned himself mainly with the building of a modern army for Tibet and appeared only occasionally at these meetings. [Editorial clarifications have been placed in square brackets] ******************************************************* V. New Publications 1. Catriona Bass. "Education in Tibet: Practice and Policy since 1950." London and New York, TIN and Zed Books, 1998. [Will be reviewed in the next issue of TSIN] 2. Melvyn C. Goldstein and Matthew T. Kapstein (eds.). "Buddhism in Contemporary Tibet: Religious Revival and Cultural Identity." Berkeley, U. of California Press, 1998-This volume contains: Foreword---Orville Schell 1. Introduction---Melvyn C. Goldstein 2. The Revival of Monastic Life in Drepung Monastery-Melvyn C. Goldstein 3. Re-membering the Dismembered Body of Tibet: Contemporary Tibetan Visionary Movements in the People's Republic of China-David Germano 4. A Pilgrimage of Rebirth Reborn: The 1992 Celebration of the Drigung Powa Chenmo-Matthew T. Kapstein 5. Ritual, Ethnicity, and Generational Identity-Lawrence Epstein and Peng Wenbin 6. Concluding Reflections-Matthew T. Kapstein 3. Daniel J. Miller. "Fields of Grass: Portraits of the Pastoral Landscape and Nomads of the Tibetan Plateau and Himalayas." Kathmandu, ICIMOD, 1998. 4. The "Himalayan Research Bulletin" Issue 1, 1998 has a number of reports and reviews on ethnic Tibetan populations in Ladakh and Nepal. Among these are a report by John Bray titled "Recent Research on Ladakh," an article by Martijn van Beck titled "True patriots: Justifying Autonomy for Ladakh."and an article by Eberhard Berg titled, "Pilgrimage to Uomi Tsho." The Bulletin is edited by Barbara Brower out of the Department of Geography at Portland State University in the USA. The Bulletin's email address is: hrb@geog.pdx.edu. The web site address is http:// www.macalester.edu/~guneratne/index.html. ******************************************************* VI. Call for Papers The 9th Colloquium of the International Association for Ladakh Studies will take place from August 25-29, 1999 at Leh, Ladakh, India.=20 IALS colloquia have been held regularly, usually every other year, since 1981, and are intended to bring together people from many disciplines interested or engaged in Ladakh studies. At this time, the organizers are inviting proposals for papers and/or panels and wish to gauge interest in participation. Anyone interested in participating is requested to pre-register at this time and - if applicable - to submit a short (250 words) abstract for a paper, preferably by e-mail. Only those who are pre-registered can be sure to receive future communications regarding the conference, accommodation, etc. We are expecting that the conference participation fee will be around USD 50. Send all communications to: John Bray, Hon. Sec. IALS 55B Central Hill London SE19 1BS, U.K. E-mail: miyoko@jblon.win-uk.net Participants from South Asia may prefer to contact the Leh Organising Committee directly: Abdul Ghani Sheikh, Hon. Membership Sec, Ladakh Yasmin Guest House Fort Road Leh-Ladakh 194101, INDIA Fax: (++ 91)1982-52631 ******************************************************* VII. Dissertation abstract Kim I. Gutschow, An Economy of Merit: Women and Buddhist Monasticism in Zangskar, Northwest India. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, 1998. Pp. 470, tables, maps, figures, plates. This dissertation presents an ethnography of a local moral world created by the intersection of a nunnery, a monastery, and a village within the Zangskar region of Himalayan Kashmir. These three entities are related within an economy of merit constituted by institutional practices as well as the lived flow of individual experiences which emerge out of wider socio-economic, cultural, and historical processes. The thesis describes who becomes a nun, with what motivations, from what familial and social contexts, and by what kinds of ritual processes. The dissertation privileges a view from a nunnery rather than the one from the monastery which has dominated Buddhist studies thus far. The perspective from the standpoint of those women who renounce the world may illuminate the contested nature of making merit. It appears that nuns make merit rather differently than monks do. While both male and female monastics who practice Tibetan Buddhism are expected to devote themselves to selfless compassion and asceticisms, most nuns compromise their ritual devotions with obligations to farm, field, and family. The contradictions between the household and monastic realms have shaped the historical development of the nun's and monk's orders in profoundly different ways. Nuns can no more renounce their roles as dutiful daughters than they can elude the female bodies defined as inferior and impure. A nun's celibacy is always constrained by local customs and classical doctrine which denies women the possibility of secual renunciations permitted to monks. The first two chapters situate the local life world of the nunnery and its inhabitants within an economy of scarcity and solidarity in the Indo-Tibetan borderlands. The third and fourth chapters chart a history of patronage and kingship which left the monasteries well endowed and nunneries relatively impoverished within Zangskar's economy of merit. The fifth and sixth chapters sketch the dynamics of subsistence at the nunnery and delineate who becomes a nun as well as how and why, drawing on theories of exchange and an experience near ethnography. The seventh chapter examines the three ritual stages a nun must pass through: tonsure, ordination, and joining a monastic assembly. The eighth and ninth chapters delineate the historical denigration of women in Buddhist doctrine and popular culture which have established the male Sangha as the highest field of merit. ******************************************************* Copyright 1998 The Center for Research on Tibet Text is not to be used without written permission. http://www.cwru.edu/affil/tibet/

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